Beverly LaHaye, Soldier of the Christian Right, Dies at 94
A pastor’s wife, she formed Concerned Women for America to oppose the Equal Rights Amendment. Ronald Reagan called her “one of the powerhouses on the political scene.”
Beverly LaHaye with President Ronald Reagan in 1987, shortly before he addressed a meeting of her organization, Concerned Women for America.Credit...Scott Stewart/Associated Press
Beverly LaHaye, a pastor’s wife whose recoil from 1970s feminism led her to build an organization advancing conservative views of the family, Concerned Women for America, which became a pillar of the Christian right, waging battles against abortion, gay rights and the Equal Rights Amendment, died on Sunday in hospice in El Cajon, Calif., near San Diego. She was 94.
Concerned Women for America, which Mrs. LaHaye founded in 1979, announced her death in a statement.
In the 1980s, Mrs. LaHaye ran an office in Washington of more than 25 employees, including lawyers and lobbyists. She urged Congress to send military aid to the right-wing contras of Nicaragua; rallied her members to barrage the television networks to protest condom commercials; and testified in the Senate for President Ronald Reagan’s Supreme Court nominees Antonin Scalia and Robert Bork.
President Reagan appeared at Concerned Women of America’s 1987 convention, as Judge Bork’s nomination was facing fierce liberal opposition. He was greeted by signs stating, “All Ladies Want Bork.” (The Senate rejected him.)
“In just a few short years,” the president told Mrs. LaHaye’s crowd, “you’ve become the largest politically active women’s group in the nation.” He called Mrs. LaHaye “one of the powerhouses on the political scene today.”
She had arrived just two years earlier, moving her headquarters to Washington from California “to be closer to the center of action,” she told The Arizona Republic in 1984.
At a news conference announcing her arrival, Mrs. LaHaye said that conservative women who turned to the Bible for guidance on women’s roles in the family and society — and not to the writings of Betty Friedan and other feminists — now had a public voice.
“This is our message: The feminists do not speak for all women in America, and C.W.A. is here in Washington to end the monopoly of feminists who claim to speak for all women,” she said.
Groups pressing for an expansion of civil rights decried Mrs. LaHaye’s activities. The Human Rights Campaign, which lobbies for the L.G.B.T.Q. community, called Concerned Women for America “a radical anti-equality organization’’ in 2014.
In some ways, Mrs. LaHaye’s life was a model of the female empowerment championed by the feminist movement. She was a working woman who got a job in the 1950s to help support her struggling husband; a homemaker who wrote of her “smoldering resentment” of housework; and the author, with her husband, of a popular marriage manual for Christian couples with advice on how to avoid “a lifetime in the sexual wilderness of orgasmic malfunction.”
Married to an evangelical pastor, Tim LaHaye, co-author of the best-selling apocalyptic “Left Behind” novels, Mrs. LaHaye founded her organization to halt the proposed Equal Rights Amendment, which would outlaw discrimination based on sex.
Conservatives argued that the E.R.A. would expose women to a military draft and pressure housewives into the work force. “When the Equal Rights Amendment says no discrimination in sexes, it means no difference in the sexes,” Mrs. LaHaye told The Chicago Tribune in 1980. “Christianity cannot agree with that.”
Despite broad bipartisan support for most of the 1970s, the E.R.A. failed to win ratification by a supermajority of states, as required by the Constitution, ahead of a 1982 deadline. Its demise was credited to conservative activists like Mrs. LaHaye and, especially, Phyllis Schlafly, head of the Eagle Forum.
In contrast to the outspoken, sharp-elbowed Mrs. Schlafly, Mrs. LaHaye projected a homespun image: Her soft voice and golden Betty White coif seemed an embodiment of the supporters she did not hesitate to call “housewives.”
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Mrs. LaHaye with her daughter Linda Murphy at Concerned Women for America’s 40th anniversary gala in 2019.Credit...Taylor J. Brandon, via Concerned Women for America
But before Mrs. LaHaye was able to lead a political movement, she had to overcome a crippling timidity that led her to shrink even from leading a prayer group at her husband’s church in San Diego. Mr. LaHaye called her a turtle.
She described herself as “a fearful, introverted person with a rather poor self-image” in a 1976 Christian self-help book she wrote, “The Spirit-Controlled Woman.”
As a young wife, she went on, she had resented housework — “the endless little tasks that had to be repeated over and over again and seemed so futile.”
But rather than rebel at the limitations of the role of wife and mother, as many American women were doing in the 1960s and ’70s, Mrs. LaHaye determined that the Bible intended women to submit to their husbands and to embrace domesticity, as a way of serving Jesus.
“This is a truly liberated woman,” she concluded. “Submission is God’s design for woman.”
As Mr. LaHaye’s congregation expanded into a megachurch, Mrs. LaHaye’s confidence grew. By the mid-1970s, both husband and wife were published authors; they also collaborated on the multimillion-copy book “The Act of Marriage,” which included advice for Christian couples on sexual pleasure.
While watching a TV interview in 1978 with Ms. Friedan, the trailblazing feminist who was a founder the National Organization for Women, Mrs. LaHaye was tipped into political activism. NOW, she was quoted as saying by Christianity Today, did not speak for “average, normal and traditional women.”
She gathered a group of church women for coffee. That get-together snowballed into her national organization, which eventually grew to include hundreds of thousands of members.
Opposition to gay rights particularly energized Mrs. LaHaye. She vehemently opposed laws protecting gay men and lesbians from discrimination, and she supported barring gay men from being teachers, deploying the lie that they were more likely to prey on children. “I’m not saying they all are, but the movement itself is aggressively trying to go after boys,” she told The Chicago Tribune in 1992.
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Mrs. LaHaye in an undated photo. She rejected the beliefs of feminist trailblazers like Betty Friedan and embraced domesticity. “Submission is God’s design for woman,” she said.Credit...via Concerned Women for America
Beverly LaHaye was born Beverly Davenport in Detroit on April 30, 1929, to Lowell Davenport, a salesman, and Nell (Pitts) Davenport. Her father died when she was 2 years old, and her mother married Daniel Ratcliffe, a toolmaker. Beverly took his family name.
In 1947, she married Timothy LaHaye, a World War II veteran and a fellow student at Bob Jones University, the South Carolina evangelical school. Mrs. LaHaye moved with her husband as he was appointed pastor of churches first in Pumpkintown, S.C., then in Minneapolis and San Diego. Mr. LaHaye also sat on the board of the Moral Majority, the Christian political group founded by Jerry Falwell. He died in 2016.
Mrs. LaHaye’s survivors include the couple’s two daughters, Linda Murphy and Lori Scheck; a son, Larry; nine grandchildren; and 20 great-grandchildren. Another son, Lee, died in 2017.
Mrs. LaHaye stepped down as president of Conservative Women for America in 2006 and retired from its board in 2020.
In a 1992 profile, The Chicago Tribune noted that she projected an image of “spun sugar.” But she sipped from a coffee mug that told a different story: “Boss Lady.”
Mathieu Kérékou, who seized control of the West African nation of Benin in a military coup in 1972 and proclaimed a one-party Marxist state, but nearly two decades later presided over the region’s first peaceful transition from dictatorship to democracy, died on Wednesday in Cotonou, Benin. He was 82.
His death was announced by his elected successor, Thomas Boni Yayi.
Mr. Kérékou led Benin, an impoverished cotton-growing country the size of Pennsylvania on the Gulf of Guinea, in two different guises: as its strongman from 1972 to 1991, and as its democratically elected president from 1996 to 2005. In that transformation, from one to the other, is where is his most enduring legacy lies.
Under pressure from a conference of prominent citizens he had convened, he agreed to hold free elections in 1991 and then agreed to give up power when he lost.
The decision set off an unraveling of one-party rule across West Africa, inspiring movements toward multiparty democracy.
Mr. Kérékou in 1972, the year he started ruling the tiny West African nation of Benin after a military coup.Credit-/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
Nicknamed the Chameleon for his protean politics, Mr. Kérékou could also be mercurial in his behavior. On a trip to the United States in 1999, he stunned an all-black Baltimore church congregation by falling to his knees and begging forgiveness for the “shameful” and “abominable” role that Africans played in the slave trade.
In 1975, he burst into the home of his interior minister, found him committing adultery with Mr. Kérékou’s wife, and ordered him shot to death as the man fled naked.
Mr. Kérékou was born on Sept. 2, 1933, in Kouarfa, in the northwest of what was then Dahomey, a French colony. He studied at military schools there and in France, served as an aide to the Dahomeyan president after France granted the colony independence in 1960, and later became chairman of the Military Revolutionary Council after his cousin ousted the incumbent president.
A lieutenant colonel at the time, Mr. Kérékou seized power in 1972, in the fifth coup since the colony had become independent. (He was a general by the time he retired from the army in 1987.)
Mr. Kérékou adopted a Marxist-Leninist platform two years after the coup, renamed the nation the People’s Republic of Benin (after a kingdom that flourished in the 17th century) and nationalized its oil companies and banks.
Over time his People’s Revolutionary Party became less revolutionary and captivated fewer and fewer people, but Mr. Kérékou was nothing if not adaptable. (“The stick cannot break in the arms of a chameleon,” he liked to say, and his own swagger stick was decorated with a picture of one.)
He pursued an increasingly moderate socialist agenda as the economy worsened, following the lead of the Warsaw Pact nations in abandoning Marxism altogether in 1989.
A year later, he publicly confessed guilt for his mistakes to the local Catholic archbishop and asked forgiveness for his government’s flaws. The gesture, however, was not enough to generate the popular support he needed to win in the first democratic presidential election in 1991.
In his return to power in 1996 and again in 2001, he squeaked by to victory after disputed vote counts.
The country’s Constitution limited him to two terms and in any case barred him from running again because he was older than 70.
Information on his survivors was not immediately available.
In 2005, after dominating Beninese politics for nearly three decades — more than half the country’s existence — Mr. Kérékou, then 72, announced that he would not try to overturn the two-term limit.
“If you don’t leave power,” he said, “power will leave you.”
Mathieu Kérékou[ma.tjø ke.ʁe.ku] (2 September 1933 – 14 October 2015) was a Beninese politician who was President of Benin from 1972 to 1991 and again from 1996 to 2006. After seizing power in a military coup, he ruled the country for 17 years, for most of that time under an officially Marxist–Leninist ideology, before he was stripped of his powers by the National Conference of 1990. He was defeated in the 1991 presidential election, but was returned to the presidency in the 1996 election and controversially re-elected in 2001.
Kérékou was born in 1933 in Kouarfa,[1] in north-west French Dahomey. After having studied at military schools in modern-day Mali and Senegal,[1] Kérékou served in the military. Following independence, from 1961 to 1963 he was an aide-de-camp to Dahomeyan President Hubert Maga;[2] following Maurice Kouandété's seizure of power in December 1967, Kérékou, who was his cousin,[2][3] was made chairman of the Military Revolutionary Council.[2] After Kérékou attended French military schools from 1968 to 1970,[2] Maga made him a major, deputy chief of staff, and commander of the Ouidah paratroop unit.[2][3]
Kerekou seized power in Dahomey in a military coup on 26 October 1972,[1] ending a system of government in which three members of a presidential council were to rotate power (earlier in the year MagKérékoua had handed over power toJustin Ahomadegbé).[4]
During his first two years in power, Kérékou expressed only nationalism and said that the country's revolution would not "burden itself by copying foreign ideology ... We do not want communism or capitalism or socialism. We have our own Dahomean social and cultural system." On November 30, 1974, however, he announced the adoption of Marxism-Leninism by the state.[5] The country was renamed from the Republic of Dahomey to the People's Republic of Benin a year later; the banks andpetroleum industry were nationalized. The People's Revolutionary Party of Benin (Parti de la révolution populaire du Bénin, PRPB) was established as the sole ruling party. In 1980, Kérékou was elected president by the Revolutionary National Assembly; he retired from the army in 1987.[6]
It has been suggested that Kérékou's move to Marxism-Leninism was motivated mainly by pragmatic considerations, and that Kérékou himself was not actually a leftist radical; the new ideology offered a means of legitimization, a way of distinguishing the new regime from those that had preceded it, and was based on broader unifying principles than the politics of ethnicity. Kérékou's regime initially included officers from both the north and south of the country, but as the years passed the northerners (like Kérékou himself) became clearly dominant, undermining the idea that the regime was not based in ethnicity.[4] By officially adopting Marxism-Leninism, Kérékou may also have wanted to win the support of the country's leftists.[7]
Kérékou's regime was rigid and vigorous in pursuing its newly adopted ideological goals from the mid-1970s to the late 1970s. Beginning in the late 1970s, the regime jettisoned much of its radicalism and settled onto a more moderately socialist course as Kérékou consolidated his personal control.[8]
Kérékou survived numerous attempts to oust him, including an invasion of the port city of Cotonou by mercenaries contracted by a group of exiled Beninese political rivals in January 1977,[9] as well as two coup attempts in 1988.[10]
It was hoped that the nationalizations of the 1970s would help develop the economy, but it remained in a very poor condition, with the state sector being plagued by inefficiency and corruption. Kérékou began reversing course in the early 1980s, closing down numerous state-run companies and attempting to attract foreign investment.[4] He also accepted an IMF structural readjustment programme in 1989, agreeing to austerity measures that severely cut state expenditure.[4][7] The economic situation continued to worsen during the 1980s, provoking widespread unrest in 1989. A student strike began in January of that year; subsequently strikes among various elements of society increased in frequency and the nature of their demands grew broader: whereas initially they had focused on economic issues such as salary arrears, this progressed to include demands for political reform.[7]
In the period of reforms towards multiparty democracy in Africa at the beginning of the 1990s, Benin moved onto this path early, with Kérékou being forced to make concessions to popular discontent. Benin's early and relatively smooth transition may be attributed to the particularly dismal economic situation in the country, which seemed to preclude any alternative.[4] In the midst of increasing unrest, Kérékou was re-elected as president by the National Assembly in August 1989,[6] but in December 1989 Marxism-Leninism was dropped as the state ideology,[11] and a national conference was held in February 1990. The conference turned out to be hostile to Kérékou and declared its own sovereignty; despite the objections of some of his officers to this turn of events, Kérékou did not act against the conference,[4] although he labelled the conference's declaration of sovereignty a "civilian coup". During the transition that followed, Kérékou remained president but lost most of his power.[7][12]
During the 1990 National Conference, which was nationally televised, Kérékou spoke to the Archbishop of Cotonou, Isidor de Souza, confessing guilt and begging forgiveness for the flaws of his regime. An observer described it as a "remarkable piece of political theater", full of cultural symbolism and significance; in effect, Kérékou was seeking forgiveness from his people. Such a gesture, so unusual for the African autocrats of the time, could have fatally weakened Kérékou's political standing, but he performed the gesture in such a way that, far from ending his political career, it instead served to symbolically redeem him and facilitate his political rehabilitation, while also "securing him immunity from prosecution". Kérékou shrewdly utilized the timing and setting: "Culturally as well as theologically it was impossible to refuse forgiveness on these terms."[8]
World Bank economist Nicéphore Soglo, chosen as prime minister by the conference, took office in March, and a new constitution was approved in a December 1990 referendum. Multi-party elections were held in March 1991, which Kérékou lost, obtaining only about 32% of the vote in the second round against Prime Minister Soglo;[13] while he won very large vote percentages in the north, in the rest of the country he found little support.[4] Kérékou was thus the first mainland African president to lose power through a popular election.[4][14] He apologized for "deplorable and regrettable incidents" that occurred during his rule.[6]
After losing the election in March 1991, Kérékou left the political scene and "withdrew to total silence", another move that was interpreted as penitential.[8]
Kérékou reclaimed the presidency in the March 1996 election. Soglo's economic reforms and his alleged dictatorial tendencies had caused his popularity to suffer.[6] Although Kérékou received fewer votes than Soglo in the first round, he then defeated Soglo in the second round, taking 52.5% of the vote.[3][13] Kérékou was backed in the second round by third place candidate Adrien Houngbédji and fourth place candidateBruno Amoussou;[3] as in 1991, Kérékou received very strong support from northern voters,[15] but he also improved his performance in the south.[3] Soglo alleged fraud, but this was rejected by the Constitutional Court, which confirmed Kérékou's victory.[16] When taking the oath of office, Kérékou left out a portion that referred to the "spirits of the ancestors" because he had become a born-again Christian after his defeat by Soglo. He was subsequently forced to retake the oath including the reference to spirits.[17]
Kérékou was re-elected for a second five-year term in the March 2001 presidential election under controversial circumstances. In the first round he took 45.4% of the vote; Soglo, who took second place, and parliament speaker Houngbédji, who took third, both refused to participate in the second round, alleging fraud and saying that they did not want to legitimize the vote by participating in it. This left the fourth place finisher, Amoussou, to face Kérékou in the run-off, and Kérékou easily won with 83.6% of the vote.[13][18] It was subsequently discovered that the American corporation Titan gave more than two million dollars to Kérékou's re-election campaign as a bribe.[19]
During Kérékou's second period in office his government followed a liberal economic path. The period also saw Benin take part in international peacekeeping missions in other African states.[20]
Kérékou was barred from running again in 2006 on two counts. The constitution not only limited the president to two terms, but also required that presidential candidates be younger than 70 (he turned 70 in 2003, through his second term). Kérékou said in July 2005 that he would not attempt to amend the constitution to allow him to run for a third term. "If you don't leave power," he said, "power will leave you."[21] There was, however, speculation that he had wanted it to be changed, but faced too much opposition.[22]
On 5 March 2006, voters went to the polls to decide who would succeed Kérékou as President of Benin. Yayi Boni defeated Adrien Houngbédji in a run-off vote on 19 March,[13] and Kérékou left office at the end of his term, at midnight on 6 April 2006.[20]
Kérékou allegedly converted to Islam in 1980 while on a visit to Libya, and changed his first name to Ahmed,[23][24] but he later returned to the use of the name Mathieu. This alleged conversion may have been designed to please the Libyan leader, Muammar Gaddafi, in order to obtain financial and military support.[25] Alternatively, the conversion story may have been a rumor planted by some of his opponents in order to destabilize his regime. He subsequently became a born-again Christian.[26][27] Some Vodun believers in Benin regarded him as having magical powers, explaining his ability to survive repeated coup attempts during his military rule.[26]
Nicknamed "the chameleon" from an early point in his career,[28] Kérékou's motto was "the branch will not break in the arms of the chameleon".[1][8] The nickname and motto he adopted were full of cultural symbolism, articulating and projecting his power and ability. Unlike some past rulers who had adopted animal symbolism intending to project a violent, warlike sense of power, Kérékou's symbolic animal suggested skill and cleverness; his motto suggested that he would keep the branch from breaking, but implicitly warned of what could happen to "the branch" if it was not "in the arms of the chameleon"—political chaos.[8] To some, his nickname seemed particularly apt as he successfully adapted himself to a new political climate and neoliberal economic policies in the 1990s.[28]
He used the campaign slogan, "Experience in the service of youth."[29]
After leaving office in 2006, Kérékou stayed out of politics and spent time at his homes in Cotonou and Natitingou in northwestern Benin, his native region. He suffered a health crisis in 2014 and was taken to Paris for treatment. Although he recovered, he continued to suffer health problems, and he died in Benin on 14 October 2015 at the age of 82.[30] His death was announced in a statement by President Thomas Boni Yayi. No cause of death was stated.[31] A week of national mourning was declared.[30]
Mathieu Kérékou(September 2, 1933 – October 14, 2015) was a Beninese politician who was President of Benin from 1972 to 1991 and again from 1996 to 2006. After seizing power in a military coup, he ruled the country for 17 years, for most of that time under an officially Marxist-Leninist ideology,before he was stripped of his powers by the National Conference of 1990. He was defeated in the 1991 presidential election,but was returned to the presidency in the 1996 electionand controversially re-elected in 2001.
Kérékou was born in 1933 in Kouarfa.in north-west French Dahomey. After having studied at military schools in modern-day Mali and Senegal, Kérékou served in the military. Following independence, from 1961 to 1963 he was an aide-de-campto Dahomeyan President Hubert Maga, following Maurice Kouandete'sseizure of power in December 1967, Kérékou, who was his cousin,was made chairman of the Military Revolutionary Council.After Kérékou attended French military schools from 1968 to 1970,Maga made him a major, deputy chief of staff, and commander of the Ouidah paratroop unit.
Kerekou seized power in Dahomey in a military coup on October 26, 1972, ending a system of government in which three members of a presidential council were to rotate power (earlier in the year MagKérékoua had handed over power to Justin Ahomadegbe).
During his first two years in power, Kérékou expressed only nationalism and said that the country's revolution would not "burden itself by copying foreign ideology ... We do not want communism or capitalism or socialism. We have our own Dahomean social and cultural system." On November 30, 1974, however, he announced the adoption of Marxism-Leninism by the state. The country was renamed from the Republic of Dahomey to the People's Republic of Benin a year later; the banks and petroleum industry were nationalized. The People's Revolutionary Party of Benin (Parti de la révolution populaire du Bénin, PRPB) was established as the sole ruling party. In 1980, Kérékou was elected president by the Revolutionary National Assembly; he retired from the army in 1987.
It has been suggested that Kérékou's move to Marxism-Leninism was motivated mainly by pragmatic considerations, and that Kérékou himself was not actually a leftist radical; the new ideology offered a means of legitimization, a way of distinguishing the new regime from those that had preceded it, and was based on broader unifying principles than the politics of ethnicity. Kérékou's regime initially included officers from both the north and south of the country, but as the years passed the northerners (like Kérékou himself) became clearly dominant, undermining the idea that the regime was not based in ethnicity. By officially adopting Marxism-Leninism, Kérékou may also have wanted to win the support of the country's leftists.
Kérékou's regime was rigid and vigorous in pursuing its newly adopted ideological goals from the mid-1970s to the late 1970s. Beginning in the late 1970s, the regime jettisoned much of its radicalism and settled onto a more moderately socialist course as Kérékou consolidated his personal control.
Kérékou survived numerous attempts to oust him, including an invasion of the port city of Cotonou by mercenaries contracted by a group of exiled Beninese political rivals in January 1977, as well as two coup attempts in 1988.
It was hoped that the nationalizations of the 1970s would help develop the economy, but it remained in a very poor condition, with the state sector being plagued by inefficiency and corruption. Kérékou began reversing course in the early 1980s, closing down numerous state-run companies and attempting to attract foreign investment. He also accepted an International Monetary Fund (IMF) structural readjustment program in 1989, agreeing to austerity measures that severely cut state expenditures. The economic situation continued to worsen during the 1980s, provoking widespread unrest in 1989. A student strike began in January of that year. Subsequently, strikes among various elements of society increased in frequency and the nature of their demands grew broader: whereas initially they had focused on economic issues such as salary arrears, this progressed to include demands for political reform.
In the period of reforms towards multi-party democracy in Africa at the beginning of the 1990s, Benin moved onto this path early, with Kérékou being forced to make concessions to popular discontent. Benin's early and relatively smooth transition may be attributed to the particularly dismal economic situation in the country, which seemed to preclude any alternative. In the midst of increasing unrest, Kérékou was re-elected as president by the National Assembly in August 1989, but in December 1989 Marxism-Leninism was dropped as the state ideology, and a national conference was held in February 1990. The conference turned out to be hostile to Kérékou and declared its own sovereignty; despite the objections of some of his officers to this turn of events, Kérékou did not act against the conference, although he did label the conference's declaration of sovereignty a "civilian coup". During the transition that followed, Kérékou remained president but lost most of his power.
During the 1990 National Conference, which was nationally televised, Kérékou spoke to the Archbishop of Cotonou, Isidor de Souza, confessing guilt and begging forgiveness for the flaws of his regime. An observer described it as a "remarkable piece of political theater", full of cultural symbolism and significance. In effect, Kérékou was seeking forgiveness from his people. Such a gesture, so unusual for the African autocrats of the time, could have fatally weakened Kérékou's political standing, but he performed the gesture in such a way that, far from ending his political career, it instead served to symbolically redeem him and facilitate his political rehabilitation, while also "securing him immunity from prosecution". Kérékou shrewdly utilized the timing and setting. Culturally as well as theologically it would prove impossible to refuse forgiveness on these terms.
World Bank economist Nicephore Soglo, chosen as prime minister by the conference, took office in March, and a new constitution was approved in a December 1990 referendum. Multi-party elections were held in March 1991, which Kérékou lost, obtaining only about 32% of the vote in the second round against Prime Minister Soglo; while he won very large vote percentages in the north, in the rest of the country he found little support. Kérékou was thus the first mainland African president to lose power through a popular election. He apologized for "deplorable and regrettable incidents" that occurred during his rule.
After losing the election in March 1991, Kérékou left the political scene and "withdrew to total silence", another move that was interpreted as penitential. Kérékou reclaimed the presidency in the March 1996 election. Soglo's economic reforms and his alleged dictatorial tendencies had caused his popularity to suffer. Although Kérékou received fewer votes than Soglo in the first round, he then defeated Soglo in the second round, taking 52.5% of the vote. Kérékou was backed in the second round by third place candidate Adrien Houngbedji and fourth place candidate Bruno Amoussou, as in 1991, Kérékou received very strong support from northern voters, but he also improved his performance in the south. Soglo alleged fraud, but this was rejected by the Constitutional Court, which confirmed Kérékou's victory. When taking the oath of office, Kérékou left out a portion that referred to the "spirits of the ancestors" because he had become a born-again Christian after his defeat by Soglo. He was subsequently forced to retake the oath including the reference to spirits.
Kérékou was re-elected for a second five-year term in the March 2001 presidential election under controversial circumstances. In the first round he took 45.4% of the vote; Soglo, who took second place, and parliament speaker Houngbédji, who took third, both refused to participate in the second round, alleging fraud and saying that they did not want to legitimize the vote by participating in it. This left the fourth place finisher, Amoussou, to face Kérékou in the run-off, and Kérékou easily won with 83.6% of the vote. It was subsequently discovered that the American corporation Titan gave more than two million dollars to Kérékou's re-election campaign as a bribe.
During Kérékou's second period in office his government followed a liberal economic path. The period also saw Benin take part in international peacekeeping missions in other African states.
Kérékou was barred from running again in 2006 on two counts. The constitution not only limited the president to two terms, but also required that presidential candidates be younger than 70 (he turned 70 in 2003, through his second term). Kérékou said in July 2005 that he would not attempt to amend the constitution to allow him to run for a third term. "If you don't leave power," he said, "power will leave you." There was, however, speculation that he had wanted it to be changed, but faced too much opposition.
On March 5, 2006, voters went to the polls to decide who would succeed Kérékou as President of Benin. Yayi Boni defeated Adrien Houngbédji in a run-off vote on March 19, and Kérékou left office at the end of his term, at midnight on April 6, 2006.
Kérékou allegedly converted to Islam in 1980 while on a visit to Libya, and changed his first name to Ahmed, but he later returned to the use of the name Mathieu. This alleged conversion may have been designed to please the Libyan leader, Muammar Gaddafi, in order to obtain financial and military support. Alternatively, the conversion story may have been a rumor planted by some of his opponents in order to destabilize his regime. In any event, Kerekou subsequently became a born-again Christian. Some Vodun believers in Benin regarded him as having magical powers, explaining his ability to survive repeated coup attempts during his military rule.
Nicknamed "the chameleon" from an early point in his career, Kérékou's motto was "the branch will not break in the arms of the chameleon". The nickname and motto he adopted were full of cultural symbolism, articulating and projecting his power and ability. Unlike some past rulers who had adopted animal symbolism intending to project a violent, warlike sense of power, Kérékou's symbolic animal suggested skill and cleverness; his motto suggested that he would keep the branch from breaking, but implicitly warned of what could happen to "the branch" if it was not "in the arms of the chameleon"—political chaos. To some, his nickname seemed particularly apt as he successfully adapted himself to a new political climate and neo-liberal economic policies in the 1990s.
Kerekou used the campaign slogan, "Experience in the service of youth."
After leaving office in 2006, Kérékou stayed out of politics and spent time at his homes in Cotonou and Natitingou in northwestern Benin, his native region. He suffered a health crisis in 2014 and was taken to Paris for treatment. Although he recovered, he continued to suffer health problems, and he died in Benin on October 14, 2015 at the age of 82.
